Epistemic Status: My Best Guess. This is an opinion as to what emotion is and why it comes about. Confidence level: 60%.

TL;DR: Emotion is one representation which describes and directs, built in largely integrating regions like the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, anterior cingulate cortex and anterior insular cortex, which is why the famous patient, Elliot, lost function and feeling together. Emotion is best thought of as being used for conscious agentic steering, while many reflexive behaviors do not need it (e.g. simply eating VS foraging for food at a Wendy’s drive through). Current accounts most similar to mine (like Lisa Feldman Barrett's) stop short of the identity claim I make, preserving this same neo-cartesian error of Damasio's.

Reading Guide: The essential sections for my argument are probably 1, 2, and 5. Sections 3 and 4 mostly build the philosophical framing behind it, of which many of you (especially here) may already implicitly agree with.

What does Morality have to do with a pair of socks?

He was not flagrant, belligerent, incoherent, nor capricious. He scored normally on IQ tests, passed basic moral exams, and completed just about every laboratory test as anyone with a fully intact prefrontal cortex may have. [1] And yet, he could not pick out a pair of socks. [2] In his seminal work, Descartes' Error , Antonio Damasio pieces together the amalgamation of years of research regarding what he calls the somatic marker hypothesis into a coherent narrative explaining exactly how it is we make decisions. At the heart of it was his patient, 'E.V.R.' More famously, he is known as Elliot.

Consider the beginning of his day: He needed prompting to get started in the morning and prepare to go to work. Once at work he was unable to manage his time properly; he could not be trusted with a schedule. When the job called for interrupting an activity and turning to another, he might persist nonetheless, seemingly losing sight of his main goal. Or he might interrupt the activity he had engaged, to turn to something he found more captivating at that particular moment. Imagine a task involving reading and classifying documents of a given client. Elliot would read and fully understand the significance of the material, and he certainly knew how to sort out the documents according to the similarity or disparity of their content. The problem was that he was likely, all of a sudden, to turn from the sorting task he had initiated to reading one of those papers, carefully and intelligently, and to spend an entire day doing so. Or he might spend a whole afternoon deliberating on which principle of categorization should be applied: Should it be date, size of document, pertinence to the case, or another?

This inability to act on knowledge was sharply contrasted with his ability to have it:

His ethical judgments followed principles we all shared. He was aware of how social conventions applied to the problems. His financial decisions sounded reasonable. There was nothing especially sophisticated about the problems we set, but it was remarkable to discover, nonetheless, that Elliot did not perform abnormally.

What separated the decisions he could not easily make from those he could? On the one hand, his knowledge and reasoning were perfectly sound, and yet, for a whole class of decisions, he simply failed to come to any conclusion. Because of it, his life was falling apart.

For Damasio, there was one telling clue in particular.

At first glance, there was nothing out of the ordinary about Elliot's emotions. He was, as I said earlier, an emotionally contained sort, but many illustrious and socially exemplary people have been emotionally contained. He certainly was not overemotional; he did not laugh or cry inappropriately, and he seemed neither sad nor joyful. He was not facetious, just quietly humorous (his wit was far more engaging and socially acceptable than that of some people I know). On a more probing analysis, however, something was missing, and I had overlooked much of the prime evidence for this: Elliot was able to recount the tragedy of his life with a detachment that was out of step with the magnitude of the events. He was always controlled, always describing scenes as a dispassionate, uninvolved spectator. Nowhere was there a sense of his own suffering, even though he was the protagonist.

While Damasio and his perplexing patient sat, conducting test after test, certain gears turned in the mind of the scientist. It was something of a peculiarity that function and feeling seemed to come apart in tandem. Damasio, in my view, gets it right that there is a function to feeling. Only, where one places emotion is not inconsequential.

Damasio's answer to this question was to assign to the damaged region, the ventromedial prefrontal cortex ('vmPFC' from now on), the role of a sort of learned mapping between bodily signals (termed 'somatic markers') and what areas are to be dispositionally activated. [3] Feeling is placed in the brainstem and body as fundamental. In his framework, the vmPFC can secondarily induce feeling by top-down re-representing a primary inducer of it, such as being jolted by an electric shock. This re-representation constitutes emotion .

In this essay I argue that in a twist of irony, Damasio, in Descartes' Error , repeats his predecessor's mistake. Effectively, he holds on to the split between mind and body, only in new clothes. His account relocates affect to the body, leaving the vmPFC as a descriptive organ of cognition.

What is more, the pioneers of the AI revolution are drawing much inspiration from neuroscience. In an interview with Dwarkesh Patel, Ilya Sutskever speaks of the possible value of emotion in making us a 'viable agent,' and its potential analogy for ML.

Ilya: ‘... it may or may not be possible to get that from pre-training.’

Dwarkesh: ‘But, what is that ? Like, how do you think about emotions, what is the ML analogy for emotions?’

Ilya: ‘It should be some kind of value function thing, but I don’t think there is a great ML analogy because right now value functions do not play a very prominent role in the things people do.’

There is much to draw from neuroscience in regards to AI. How many technological revolutions have a biological antecedent which dwarfs them in complexity and efficacy? Only, getting it right is everything.

In my estimation, the reason feeling and function are sometimes lost together may be because there is a function to the feeling. Namely, I hold that certain key areas integrate descriptive perception and directive , subjective drives in order to create a perception with pull, or a pull with description: One representation which describes and directs. This, I take to be the role of our emotion.

By descriptive, I will mean a representation meant to match the world (as seen in the detective's list in the example below).

By directive, I will mean a representation the world is meant to match (as seen in the wife's list in the example below).

I get the feeling Damasio saw indecision, and so he went looking for a way to narrow down the space of decisions. In doing so, he found a lookup table, presupposing affect. The vmPFC prunes the search space using subjectivity.

My question is, what does morality have to do with a pair of socks?

I say there is zero logically approachable structure to the answering of such questions, and so emotion is required. Personal, societal, and moral questions are a different type — they are just that, personal and individual — and the difference must be accounted for. What moves Elliot is almost only ever fatigue, alarm, a poke, a prod. He had emotion and feeling, only, not in the realm of self-referential, social, and human problems.

Professor Elizabeth Anscombe, regarding her study of intention, once thought of a man with a shopping list. [4] This list, as it came from the man's wife, was to be used as an order. If the list said 'apple,' and the man brought back a pear, the man was at fault. However, there was another list — a detective's list. His list was not an order but a description, as it served to catalog the man's purchases as the detective followed him. If this list said 'apple,' but the man clearly bought a pear, it was the detective who was at fault. This example is an illumination of the concept of direction-of-fit. The validity of the man and a list, and which can be said to have erred, was not isolated to the contents of the list nor the actions of the man, but the roles in relation to one another. This concept has since been extrapolated for use in the philosophy of mind. John Searle coined the terms 'world-to-mind' and 'mind-to-world'. [5] The former would be not unlike the wife's grocery list, where the world is to conform to it: the man is to go get what is written on it. The latter is more akin to the detective's list, in that it describes: it should have on it what the man actually bought from the store. Either the world is meant to conform to the mind, or the mind to the world. The drives endeavor to have the world conform to their pull, whereas perception conforms to the world. When perception is wrong, it can be said to be representing things incorrectly.

When, then, are the drives wrong? Colin Klein, in his book What the Body Commands , makes the case that pains are imperatives. On his account, pain, just as hunger or thirst, tells you what to do. Klein defends what he calls 'pure imperativism,' on which pains only command. [6] The drives are not themselves right or wrong in a descriptive sense; they simply command. They may be said to command incorrectly, as in phantom limb syndrome, but such a claim invites the question, 'says who?'

The reason this distinction is relevant here is simple. 2 + 2 = 4 is provable, and exact. Whether that grass is green, sure, is in a way subjective, but it is directly checkable against the world and the matching accounts of others, and at base comes from concrete physical properties. Who was the 42nd president of the United States? None of these require any sort of difficult personal or interpersonal consideration or contemplation. They exist as — whether nominal, abstract, or concrete — beliefs perceived about the world or logic via the mind. Beliefs are mind-to-world. Desire, however, places a subjective stake on reality. There is no ground truth to these sorts of representations. What job to hold down and what socks to wear are alike in that their validity or invalidity is not a thing out there in the world to be described or proven, but comes from a thing inside the biological agent to be satisfied, accounted for, or not.

The trolley problem is the famous question of whether or not you would pull a switch to divert an incoming trolley from killing five people to instead running over just one person. Most people answer 'yes,' and elect to save the five in favor of the one unfortunate bystander, a result illuminating a general utilitarian bias in people. Now, think of the trolley problem's more visceral counterpart, the Footbridge problem. In this scenario, participants are told to imagine they are on a footbridge above the tracks. This time, there is no lever, but on the footbridge alongside you is a large stranger. The only way to save the five people about to be run over on the tracks is to push this stranger off the footbridge and down onto the tracks. About 12% of people say yes. [7] The numbers remained the same, but the feeling changed.

Elliot was generally indecisive for a particular class of problems, but that's not where the story ends . In the article eerily titled "Harming Kin to Save Strangers," [8] the authors continued the long lineage of research detailing the exacerbated utilitarian choices of vmPFC lesion patients. This time, they used a somewhat more sinister 'set of moral dilemmas,' one of which being a question of whether or not to harm one's own family member over a greater number of strangers. Not surprisingly, in all of the dilemmas, vmPFC patients showed a greater propensity to choose numbers over nostalgia.

I am not aware of any time-constrained or measured studies of this sort, but I think it is relatively fair to say that, if anything, vmPFC patients may make this sort of decision a bit too easily . Is his affliction really about indecision, about large option spaces?

This deficit presents in different ways, and we can think of it, in part, as such: The ability to make a decision may depend upon whether a ‘computable proxy’ is around. For the client's documents, Elliot could sort them competently by similarity, disparity, and content, but for the life of him, he could not settle on which principle of organization he liked best. The latter aspect requires choosing what matters for the client, or how he would like to organize them himself. Perhaps he could compare different methods of organization along some dimensional axes, but this sounds like more of a solution than it probably truly is. Suppose you and I are two quite hyperrational vmPFC lesion patients. I come to you with a philosophical treatise titled 'The optimal method for organizing client files in X line of work.' It is 1800 pages, full of citations, math, and proofs. But still, at the end of it all, you say, 'well, why did you value those things, such as time and money, over, perhaps, the color of the binder notes?' What else, you could come up with your own 1800-page treatise, only ever so slightly different, and say, 'no, this is the optimal method, for you see I have named it as such.'

At the end of one session, after he had produced an abundant quantity of options for action, all of which were valid and implementable, Elliot smiled, apparently satisfied with his rich imagination, but added: "And after all this, I still wouldn't know what to do!"

In contrast to this, the trolley problem, the footbridge problem, and the even darker twists, all give vmPFC patients a number, and so they compute. Socks would hand Elliot nothing tangible, because the necessary proxy is not some number or fact, and it's not in the basic context of the body either. What is necessary for such questions is a subjective valuation of the socks' worldly characteristics. Perhaps Elliot values conformity and would like a traditional white pair to fit in, or maybe he prefers the color neon green because of some positive association. Any sufficient answer invokes 'he,' the self, the subjective account.

There is much in the way of evolutionary support for this broader framing of orbitofrontal valuation circuitry having to do with subjective questions. Rodent and primate orbitofrontal cortices, [9] in part, do something like subjective outcome valuation over time: a question of 'what does this mean to me now?' How much do I value this opportunity at stealing a bit of food from this lady's kitchen? More than the risk of being caught? What if I were really hungry? What if I wanted desperately to fulfill my lifelong dream of being a world-renowned chef despite being a rodent? Of course, such a question is a far cry from morality, but the common substrate is there. Perhaps this same, more primitive area of self-valuation operations was elaborated upon in evolution to not only include self-valuation, but inter-self valuation.

Paul Cisek, in "Beyond the Computer Metaphor: Behaviour as Interaction," [10] writes, 'One can say that the general working assumption in brain science today is that the function of the brain is to convert stimuli into reactions.' Cisek goes on to illuminate the core issues underpinning such a working assumption, and how the input-output functional viewpoint of the brain leads to unnecessary difficulty in the approach of certain problems, namely those of 'consciousness, emotion, motivation, and meaning.' For Cisek, things are backwards: meaning precedes symbols.

More than anything, the drives begin to look different when the working metaphor of the brain switches from a computer to a control system. Cisek, again, writes, 'For computers there is no notion of desirable input within the computing system, and hence there is the riddle of meaning, a.k.a. the symbol grounding problem.' The symbol-grounding problem is defined as follows: "How can the meanings of the meaningless symbol tokens, manipulated solely on the basis of their (arbitrary) shapes, be grounded in anything but other meaningless symbols?" [11]

In his view, the evolutionary reality that meaning precedes symbols effectively neutralizes the symbol grounding problem. While I agree with the gist, I think an explanation is still needed.

Often, perhaps due to the computer metaphor, people tend to treat the drives as objects. The common currency view, for instance, sees certain OFC sites like the vmPFC as containing a neural common scale of value. [12]

In contrast, Damasio merely presupposes feeling. His account of the vmPFC resembles a lookup table, mapping intelligent and affective bodily context in order to dispositionally re-represent it. That is, to the very complicated and shrouded mystery of emotion, he places it fundamentally in the body and brainstem. Solms takes a similar view. [13] There are two current camps available for how to view the drives: One being through a computational lens, often treating them as objects like labeled scalars, and the other, taking them as given, somehow coming from the body and brainstem.